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tions directly or after a short hiatus of suspension,

e.g., Helmut Becher of Mu

¨nster,

Wilhelm Blotevogel

of Breslau, Adolf Dabelow of Leipzig, Anton Kiessel-

bach of Strassburg, Kurt KF Neubert of Rostock,

Klaus Niessing of Kiel, and Gerhard Petry of Halle.

The 27 anatomists who had joined an NS afﬁliation,

but had shown no signiﬁcant political activity, fell

into the categories of followers or exonerated per-

sons. Depending on the policies of the occupying

forces, some lost their positions for a while, but ulti-

mately all of them held academic appointments in

postwar Germany, among them Alfred Benninghoff

in Marburg, Ferdinand Wagenseil in Giessen, Maximi-

lian Watzka in the newly refounded medical school of

Mainz, and Hermann Voss in Halle and Jena.

Consequently, many, if not the majority, of the

anatomical faculty positions in postwar Germany and

Austria were ﬁlled with persons who had ofﬁcial NS

afﬁliations in their past, as only a minority had never

had an NS association. Few of the dismissed

anatomists returned after the war, e.g., Karl Saller

to Munich, Otto Veit to Cologne, Gustav Sauser to

Innsbruck, and Carla Zawisch-Ossenitz to Graz

(Ortmann, 1986; Hubenstorf 1988; Beushausen

et al., 1998; Oberkoﬂer and Goller, 1999). There are

no published postwar statements by the active anat-

omists during the NS period that refer to their

involvement in NS policies and an acknowledgement

of responsibility or guilt. When Stieve was

questioned about his use of the bodies of executed

members of the political opposition for research he

said: ‘‘the anatomist [...] only tries to retrieve

results from those incidents [executions] that belong

to the saddest experiences known in the history of

mankind. In no way do I need to be ashamed of the

fact that I was able to elucidate new data from the

bodies of the executed, facts that were unknown

before and are now recognized by the whole

world’’ (translation by author, quoted after Schagen,

2005).

Robert Herrlinger, Voss’ assistant at the University

of Posen, who had worked with fresh tissues har-

vested in the execution chambers, is most likely an

exception among anatomists of this time period, in

that he is reported to have regretted his actions

later. He, who besides his medical studies was also

an art historian, left the ﬁeld of anatomy and focused

on a career in the history of medicine (Aly, 1994;

p 152).

Many thousands of medical students had never

complained and remained silent about what they had

seen in the dissection halls. Their professional social-

ization included a reality in which great numbers of

bodies of those who had suffered a violent death at

the hands of a criminal regime were considered the

normality. It can only be imagined how these experi-

ences must have inﬂuenced these students’ future

perception of the world in general and their patients

in particular. Michael Kater states that ‘‘students

who had become acculturated to brutalization in the

classrooms upon graduation acted out this attitude

in daily practice, at the fronts, and, not too few of

them, in concentration camps’’ (Kater, 1989; p 237).

Few were later able to admit to feelings of guilt and

responsibility as voiced by von Ditfurth (1993;

p 168/169) and Bra¨utigam (1998; p 9).

Postwar Consequences

As reported in Part 1 of ‘‘Anatomy in the Third

Reich,’’ the history of anatomy in the Third Reich

was generally not talked about in German and Aus-

trian universities until the last decade of the 20th

century, when most of the anatomists from this pe-

riod had retired or passed away. An exception was a

short mention of the topic by Wolff-Heidegger and

Cetto in their history of artistic depiction of anatomi-

cal dissection (1967). On the other hand, the subject

was part of several works of ﬁction over the years

(Hochhuth, 1967; Vescovi, 1979; Ko¨hler, 1980; Nal-

kowska, 2000). A ‘‘short history’’ of the Anatomical

Society written by Robert Herrlinger in 1965 gave a

summary of some of the research of the time, but

did not mention politics or the dismissal of colleagues

(Herrlinger, 1965). This ﬁnally changed in 1986,

when Schierhorn published an article on the fate of

the dismissed anatomical colleagues (Schierhorn,

1986), and Ku

hnel (1989) reported the ﬁrst 100

years of the society, including comments on the NS

period.

For decades after the Second World War, ‘‘mate-

rial’’ from NS victims was still being used for

research, e.g., Spann reports that remains of Aus-

trian resistance ﬁghters were stored at the anatomi-

cal institute of Vienna until 1957 (Spann, 1999).

Similarly, books authored by NS anatomists were

recommended to and read by students of anatomy,

without any mention of their origin. Among them

were the popular Voss-Herrlinger, a short textbook

authored by Hermann Voss and Robert Herrlinger,

and Pernkopf’s atlas. Results from research from this

time period, e.g., Hermann Stieve or Wolfgang Barg-

mann, were frequently used without the acknowl-

edgment of the origin of their material. The ﬁrst

in-depth discussion about the legitimacy of the use

of anatomical work stemming from NS Germany

began in the 1980s and focused on Pernkopf’s topo-

graphical atlas (Hildebrandt, 2006). The Pernkopf

controversy was part of a larger discussion concern-

ing the moral legitimacy of using results from NS

science (e.g., Caplan, 1992; Michalczyk, 1994).

At this time, the department of anatomy in Tu

bin-

gen launched an investigation into its NS history and

published a comprehensive report in 1990 (Scho¨n-

hagen, 1992). The report became a model for the

Vienna study in 1998, which was prompted by the

Pernkopf debate (Malina and Spann, 1999). Since

then, documentations have become available from

several other institutes (Marburg, Jena, Bonn, Gies-

sen, Go¨ttingen, Halle, Hamburg, Heidelberg). In

2003, the Bundesa¨rztekammer (German medical

council) published general recommendations on the

treatment of human remains in anatomical collec-

tions (Bundesa¨rztekammer, 2003). These were con-

sidered necessary because the existence of remain-

ing specimens from NS victims had become widely

known (e.g., Rothmaler, 1990). At the same time, a

public discussion about the ethics of the treatment of

910 Hildebrandt

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