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embryology, and comparative anatomy. Especially,

the ﬁeld of Entwicklungsmechanik (experimental and

physiological embryology) had proved to be fertile

and innovative. However, the emergence of the new

dynamic discipline of genetics called for further

adaptation and ultimately led to a certain separation

of the subdisciplines of embryology and genetics. At

the same time, static concepts of morphology were

no longer felt to be adequate for modern anatomy.

New approaches included a move away from

‘‘cadaver anatomy’’ to an emphasis on functional

anatomy and to a holistic anatomical perception of

the human being (Rothmaler, 1991; Grundmann and

Aumu

¨ller,

1996). Hermann Braus was one of the ﬁrst

anatomists who revised the teaching of anatomy by

emphasizing not the static morphology but the bio-

logical function and interplay of the parts of the body

(Schiebler, 1982). His handbook of anatomy moved

away from the categories of sets of anatomical sys-

tems to a concept that ordered the human body into

functional entities (Braus, 1921). Its publication was

continued by Curt Elze after Braus’ early death in

1924. Braus’ anatomy was the ﬁrst in a series of

books and atlases of a dynamic anatomy that was

further developed by other anatomists, especially

with Alfred Benninghoff’s ‘‘Functional Anatomy.’’

Other new concepts included a holistic approach to

anatomy, as championed by Max Clara and Kurt

Alverdes, which focused on the coordinated interac-

tion of individual tissues and organs in the whole

body, orchestrated for example by hormones (Clara,

1940; Ku

hnel, 1989; Rothmaler, 1991; Grundmann

and Aumu

ller, 1996). In the area of anatomical

atlases, Eduard Pernkopf’s ‘‘Atlas of Topographical

Anatomy’’ (Pernkopf, 1943) was also a new develop-

ment. It showed the most detailed topographical an-

atomical plates to date reproduced with a new color

printing technique, images which even decades later

seek their equal in terms of accuracy (Williams,

1988).

Although the conceptual works on dynamic anat-

omy were in many ways innovative, it has to be

noted that much of the research published from

1933 to 1945 was still mostly morphological. Stieve’s

morphological work was in so far unusual, as it was

based on a dynamic theory and postulated changes

in the morphology of tissues depending on environ-

mental and psychological inﬂuences, a concept dis-

tinct from the static ones inﬂuenced by racial

hygiene (Schagen 2005; Winkelmann and Schagen,

2009). His studies were considered highly relevant

by many of his contemporaries, if not by his oppo-

nent Hermann Knaus (Marx, 2003; p 153–159; Win-

kelmann, 2008).

However, the introduction of decisive methodolog-

ical innovations in anatomy such as the technique of

intravital ﬂuorescence microscopy invented by Phil-

ipp Ellinger and August Hirt became uncommon in

NS Germany. The expulsion or emigration of experi-

enced researchers such as Ellinger, and of young

and promising scientists like Ernst A. Scharrer, who

went on to develop the new discipline of neuroendoc-

rinology with his wife Bertha in the United States

(Bargmann, 1966), is one explanation for the stag-

nation in anatomical research in NS Germany. In

addition, German researchers became increasingly

isolated from their international peers due to the

political situation, and German anatomy was cut off

from important technological developments in histo-

chemistry and the whole new ﬁeld of electron

microscopy until after the war, even though the lat-

ter had been initiated in Germany in the early 1930s

(Schiebler, 1982; Kater, 1989; p 239).

Another reason for the lack of development in

German anatomy from 1933 to 1945 may have been

that a group of anatomists was involved in research

in racial hygiene, a ﬁeld that proved to be unproduc-

tive due to its pseudoscientiﬁc foundations. Lastly, it

has to be considered that during the war years,

many anatomists were on active military duty. The

colleagues remaining at the universities spent most

of their time teaching an ever-increasing number of

medical students and had to deal with the physical

destruction of their workplace through bombings in

the later war years, overall conditions that were not

conducive to work based on new ideas.

Ethics of Anatomy in NS Germany

The question arises why anatomists behaved the

way they did in the Third Reich, why they let their

colleagues go silently in 1933, why they taught racial

hygiene, why they used the multitude of bodies of

NS victims for dissection, why two of them were

involved in murder. The answer is simple: they

thought they were right. In relation to the bodies

provided by the government, they were following

along the lines of previously established longstand-

ing anatomical laws and traditions in Germany and

many other countries that were again reafﬁrmed by

the NS regime (Aumu

ller, 1991; Hildebrandt, 2008).

In relation to racial hygiene, it was accepted scien-

tiﬁc knowledge in Germany at the time and informed

and justiﬁed NS ideology and policies. Racial hygiene

also served as the subtext for the dismissal of their

colleagues as well as murder of the ‘‘unﬁt.’’ If they

had doubts about NS policies, they remained mostly

silent (Grundmann and Aumu

ller, 1996; Holubar,

2000). Many scientists did not believe themselves to

be competent in politics and felt responsible only for

the freedom of their science (Ku

hnel, 1989).

Did these anatomists have no ethics? Yes, they

did. There were indeed strict ethical standards in NS

Germany (Ru

tten, 1997), and students of medicine

studied the subject as part of their mandatory curric-

ulum. Generally, NS medical ideology despised

so-called science for science’s sake and promoted a

medicine that served the German people, the Volk

(Proctor, 2000; Hildebrandt, 2006). Thus every

action was ethical that ensured the health of the

German people as a whole, and such actions

included sterilization, so-called euthanasia, and

ﬁnally mass murder (Kro¨ner, 1996). Traditional med-

ical ethics, in which a doctor’s work was focused on

the individual patient’s beneﬁt, became replaced by

a rationality, efﬁciency, and anti-individualism that

ran counter to all previously held values in patient–

doctor relationships (Kater, 1989). Not the individual

908 Hildebrandt

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